Last week the Arizona Free Enterprise Club
released our report detailing the poor performance of the Low Income Housing
Tax Credit Program (full report can be viewed HERE).
The information in the study should provide more than enough evidence for
lawmakers to reject HB 2732, legislation that would give away millions in subsidies
to investors and developers to fund a housing program rampant with fraud.
The reports author, Everett Stamm, has
followed up by writing an op-ed explaining why Arizona would be better served
to look at other solutions to address housing affordability rather than funding
a risky program with a track record of failure.
Lack
of Oversight and Spiraling Costs Hinder Low Income Housing Tax Credit Program
Americans are increasingly unable to cope
with the ever-increasing costs of housing. Rising costs in Arizona,
and across our nation,
should be of interest to policymakers. One program that’s being used is the
Low-Income Housing Tax Credit program. This program has been one of the largest
suppliers of affordable housing throughout the past 30 years, but has had
consistent struggles with increasing operational costs and questions over
accountability and transparency. I’ve published a
report with the Arizona Free Enterprise Club analyzing these concerns and
recommending solutions for policymakers to consider.
What is the Low-Income Housing Tax
Credit Program?
The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC)
program operates by offering federal tax credits to developers who construct
new, rehabilitated, or refinanced rental housing that meets affordability
requirements set by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. This
program uses federal tax credits but is administered by the relevant State
Housing Finance Authority. In Arizona, this would be the Arizona Department
of Housing.
Each state is granted the larger of $3.1
million or $2.70 per capita to distribute in a competitive allocation process.
The competitive allocation process awards projects tax credits to new
construction at approximately 70% of the cost of the project. There is also a
non-competitive process for rehabilitation projects already being financed
through federal bonds, awarding tax credits at approximately 30% of the project
cost. Only the 70% tax credits come out of the amount allocated to the
state.
Rising Construction Costs
Looking through national level data, we
found the LIHTC program had around a 10% year-over-year cost increase in the
amount of tax credits required to build one unit of affordable housing
(adjusted for inflation). Additionally, our report investigates compares LIHTC-financed
housing to equivalent privately financed housing in Arizona and Washington
state. We found housing construction financed with the LIHTC program correlates
with significant increases in cost per square foot in Washington and increases
in both cost per square foot and cost per unit in Arizona.
Lack of Oversight and Accountability
The LIHTC program provides a considerable
amount of discretion to State Housing Finance Authorities during the
competitive allocation process. The United States Government Accountability
Office (GAO) published a report
in 2018 summarizing these concerns. Their report criticized the lack of
standardization, and sometimes complete absence, of cost management measures
set by state HFAs and the high
risk of fraud due to lack of oversight. Notably, the report found only 2
out of 57 LIHTC allocating agencies had limits on the development cost per unit
and only 6 out of 57 LIHTC allocating agencies limited the amount of tax
credits that could be issued per unit in a project. Additionally, just last year
a group of lenders entered into a settlement with the US Department of Justice
after an investigation revealed market manipulation by investors and developers
utilizing the LIHTC program.
Solutions
Our report discusses the concerns over cost
and accountability of the LIHTC program in much greater depth, including
suggestions on alternative ideas such as tenant-based
programs to address the issue of housing affordability. The full report can be viewed HERE
as well as other reports by the Arizona Free Enterprise Club at www.azfree.org.
Everett Stamm resides in Washington DC
and is author of the report ‘Analysis of the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit
Program in Washington and Arizona’
This
year HB2732, sponsored by Representative Ben Weninger, is being
sold as both. The Low-Income Housing Tax
Credit (LIHTC)
program is a federal program by which qualified investors are incentivized
to build housing projects for low-income persons with generous income tax
subsidies.
How it works.
It is a
sweetheart
deal for banks, insurance companies and investors. The Arizona program allows for $8 Million a
year of tax credits that can be matched with the subsidies offered through the
federal program. The bills mirror the
federal LIHTC percentages and can be carried over for 5 years.
To
illustrate the business model, a $10 Million project qualifies for 9 percent
tax credits. That is $900,000 a year and
$9 Million over the course of the 10 year carry forward period. Banks sell these credits to other investors
who make up a pool to finance the project.
Some projects are even able to bridge financing gaps with other
government programs. But not only are almost the entire project costs
subsidized by the taxpayer, another $2.2 Million is generated through tax write
offs from real estate losses, depreciation and interest expenses.
This
mechanism is supported by many layers of middlemen who add to the cost of
building these projects. As a result,
the program is lucrative for investors, and very costly for the taxpayers.
How it actually doesn’t work.
For
several years now, this program has been sharply scrutinized by various parties
including the Office of Government Accountability (OGA), think tanks, and the
media.
Much of the gamesmanship of
the program revolves around the submittal of construction costs which the OGA
determined varied drastically from state to state and project to project.
The average LIHTC project cost $218,000, yet
only $9,400 of it was the cost of the land; a ratio observably out of whack.
This is par for the course for a program which in the past has been scandalized
by construction kick-back schemes. The
program has been gamed in other ways.
Just last Fall, Wells Fargo made an over $2 Billion settlement with the Department of Justice for nation-wide collusion to devalue the tax credits. Hundreds of millions of dollars have been
siphoned from the program in these ways resulting in far fewer units being
built for the poor at a great cost to taxpayers.
Neither
at the state nor federal level, did necessary oversight exist to ferret out
inflated budget projections and fraud.
In fact, only seven of the 56 agencies around the country awarding these
credits has been audited in the program’s 30-year history.
And yet the feds continue to soak increasing dollars into the program each year, though the actual number of units being constructed dwindles. According to an investigation conducted by NPR, the $9 Billion LIHTC program is producing fewer units than it did 20 years ago yet taxpayers are paying 66 percent more in tax credits. Aside from the fraud, another factor likely being the many syndicators, consultants, and financiers that work in their margins into the complicated process.
What else this reveals.
The OGA’s report on the vast cost variations in building state to state, reveal another critically important truth. Jurisdictions with onerous and restrictive land use regulations drive the high costs to build there. These incentive programs in fact reward states that cause their own affordable housing crises and fleece taxpayers all at the same time. A report issued by the National Association of Homebuilders and the National Multifamily Housing Council estimated that 32 percent of multifamily costs were attributable to regulation.
In fact, studies of housing prices have shown costs have directly increased with land use regulations. As a result, federal housing affordability spending is almost two times higher in the most regulated states than the least regulated states.
There are better ways.
It is
long-time policymakers address affordable housing for American families by
addressing the root of the problem and tailoring assistance programs that serve
those in poverty, not only those seeking a profit.
Under the new federal administration, director of Housing and
Urban Development (HUD) Ben Carson, has looked to do just that. Instead of continuing
to reward bad behavior by local governments, his agency has discussed attaching
HUD grants to regulatory reforms proven to lower housing costs. HUD’s position that they won’t continue to
aid in the affordable housing problem by subsidizing it – is also a signal to
states that they should look to curb their own contributions to the problem
instead of simply seeking more federal handouts. In Arizona, one of those factors is the
residential rental tax – which disproportionately impacts low-income
individuals.
Reforming
land regs is a long-term endeavor and won’t solve the immediate need for
low-income people in unaffordable housing markets.
But
there are better ways to structure programs than the convoluted LIHTC
program. One such proposal with
bipartisan support are “Housing Choice Vouchers (HCV).” Instead of
incentivizing profiteers to supply housing – HCVs empower individuals and
families to access housing in places they desire to live.
This
approach allows low-income families to move to higher income places which often
gives them access to better jobs and school districts and affords children of
low-income families’ greater opportunities to succeed. Because the LIHTC programs provide greater
incentives for building in designated areas of greater poverty, it has the direct effect of actually concentrating poverty and segregating poor people.
Arizona lawmakers should help poor people and
protect taxpayers.
The
expansion of this 34-year-old failed federal program in Arizona would be a big
mistake. The bill being pedaled this year is not being backed by advocates for
the poor; but by those who stand to gain the most – insurance companies,
investors and banks. If lawmakers truly
care about the poor – and the taxpayer – they will resoundingly reject HB2732.
Today the Arizona Free
Enterprise Club released a new study evaluating the cost of Low-Income Housing
Tax Credits (LIHTC) in Arizona and Washington and how LIHTC have performed
compared to other government backed housing affordability programs. The review determined
that in both states, LIHTC have led to a significant increase in the cost of development
and construction when compared to similar market rate housing.
In his analysis, economist Everett
Stamm determined that a “lack of oversight and transparency, requirements to
pay higher wages and inadequate cost control measures all attribute to the
higher development costs” associated with LIHTC. Stamm concludes that even if proper reforms
were implemented with LIHTC, other tenant-based programs, such as the Housing
Choice Voucher Program, are better suited to provide housing for low income residents
than LIHTC.
Evidence that LIHTC drive up
construction costs and fail to keep housing affordable add to the list of
concerns that exist with the program. “There is ample evidence, both from
the Government Accountability Office and the US Department of Justice, that the
Low-Income Housing tax Credit Program has been rampant with fraud and other
criminal activity and lacks basic oversight to determine any tangible benefits,”
said Scot Mussi, President of the Arizona Free Enterprise Club.
“If the legislature is
serious about addressing housing affordability, they should look at options
that are tenant based and that drive down the cost of construction. Low income
housing tax credits accomplish exactly the opposite,” Mussi
continued.
In Arizona, there is
currently a
proposal to spend $8 Million to expand the LIHTC program, which is being
aggressively pushed by developers and investors that will financially benefit
from the tax credits.
The complete study by the Club on LIHTC can be viewed by clicking HERE.
For years Democrats have
complained that virtually every government program in Arizona is underfunded
because of all the “draconian” tax cuts that have occurred. Given that most
national rankings show Arizona is middle of the pack among
states when it comes to overall tax burden on individuals and businesses, it is
difficult to see how they reach this conclusion.
Nevertheless, there has been a
lot of discussion in political circles and in the media about Democrats winning
majorities in the State House and Senate, meaning they might have a chance to
implement their tax hike agenda.
Just how much do Democrats plan
to increase taxes if they win control of the State Legislature?
The Answer: $5.73 BILLION
DOLLARS!
This three-year budget total includes a wide range of tax increases that have been actively supported by Democrat leadership and their caucus. Through votes taken at the legislature, bills introduced by the caucus and tax increases proposed in their own budget plan, the entire Democrat tax hike agenda has been put on display for the public to see. And it would mean billions in new taxes that would cripple the state’s economy and send businesses and families fleeing to other states. Tax Increases the Dems would LOVE to implement include:
VLT Registration Fee
Last year Democrats unanimously voted against ending the VLT registration fee, a widely despised fee that has generated fury among the vehicle owning public. If it were up to the Democrats, the fee would still be in place, and likely would be increased since the amount of the fee wasn’t capped (the Arizona Department of Transportation director had sole authority to annually set the amount of the fee). Taxpayers are lucky Democrats didn’t get their way on this one.
Online Sales Tax
Last year Republicans approved a
plan to allow for the taxing of remote online sellers, with the intention of
providing an offset to prevent a net tax increase. Democrats fiercely opposed
the plan, speaking out against the proposal and made the bizarre argument that
somehow providing offsets was a “tax cut.” They even presented an alternative
budget proposal that included keeping all of the money from the
tax increase, which totals at least $900 million dollars over three years.
Conformity Income Tax Increase
Similar to taxing online sales,
Democrats were fierce in their opposition to any plan that didn’t include the
government keeping the $300 Million in annual revenue generated from the
Conformity Tax hike. They introduced their own conformity legislation and
proposed in their own budget
plan
keeping the money generated from the tax increase. Even the media, which is
normally sympathetic toward government keeping more of our money, didn’t bite
on the Democrat spin and consistently reported this as a significant tax increase.
Income Tax Hikes on
Individuals, Businesses and Entrepreneurs
The Democrats don’t want to stop
with just one income tax increase. In addition to the conformity income tax
hike, they also are pushing a
massive tax increase similar to Invest in Ed from 2018 to double the
individual income tax rate to 9 percent ($2.82 Billion), eliminating
inflationary adjustments on deductions ($9 Million), increasing taxes
on corporate businesses by imposing
a moratorium on all tax credits ($390 Million) and raising
taxes on capital gains ($12.2 Million).
Arizona Can’t Afford the
Dems Radical Tax Agenda
This is a mind blowing portfolio
of record breaking tax hikes, and it doesn’t even include Democrat leadership’s
support for increasing
the gas tax, increasing the insurance
premium tax and imposing a minimum
tax
on every corporation regardless of size or if they are even profitable.
Democrats will attempt to run
away from this record, hoping voters won’t take a closer look at their plan to
enact California-level tax rates that will turn Arizona permanently blue. Republicans
shouldn’t let them—taxpayers need to know about the radical left turn Democrats
have in store for the state if they are in charge.
Utilizing data provided by the National Transit Database, a new study by
transportation policy expert Randal O’Toole shows that public transit has been
consuming more energy per passenger mile than the average light truck or
SUV since 2016.
Passenger vehicles, planes and
transit have all been steadily improving in energy efficiency over the last
decade. Yet of the three modes of
transportation, only public transit has seen a decrease in energy efficiency
per passenger mile. This is because
public transit is the only mode of transportation to see a steady
decline in overall ridership that has wiped out any gains
made through energy efficiency. Transit continues to move fewer and fewer
people while transit agencies continue to pour billions into systems to
maintain the same miles of service.
In other words, transit’s decline
in ridership is outpacing its increase in energy efficiency.
The only exception to this rule is
New York City, whose commuter rail by far moves the most amount of people than
any transit system in the country. Even
the second most used commuter rail line, Maryland’s DC Metro, uses 25
percent more energy per passenger mile than the average light truck in
2017.
Being such an energy hog also
means that transit is less greenhouse-efficient in 93 out of the largest 100
urban areas across the country – including Phoenix. Even more astonishing is the fact in 90 out
of the 100 largest urban areas in the nation, it is more greenhouse-friendly to
drive a light truck than take public transit.
Although many politicians,
construction interests, and transit agencies continue to peddle the narrative
that transit is good for the environment and a worthwhile public investment,
the data just doesn’t support this position.
As personal vehicles become more
fuel efficient and transportation technology continues to be revolutionized
through ride-sharing and autonomous vehicles, outdated modes of pubic transit
such as light rail will continue to decline.
Policymakers should see this writing on the wall and discontinue
dumping billions into obsolete transit systems that poorly serve
the community.
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